BLURRING BOUNDARIES: LABOR, LEISURE, AND CULTURAL PRODUCTION IN DIGITAL VLOGGING
MAHIRA.E
Research Scholar, Department of English
Farook College (Autonomous), Kerala
Dr. UBAID. V. P. C
Assistant Professor, Department of English
Farook College (Autonomous) Kerala
Abstract: The boundaries between labor and leisure, once considered distinct, have grown increasingly porous in the digital age. Activities that traditionally signified relaxation and pleasure, travel, cooking, and household tasks , are now repurposed as forms of work through digital platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook. The significance of this study lies in demonstrating how personal passions, hobbies, sources of happiness and even everyday obligations are increasingly transformed into productive labor, creativity, generating visibility, income and economic values. Scholars have interrogated digital labor broadly, insufficient attention has been given to how everyday leisure practices are transformed into content economies. This paper examines how the digital economy commodifies leisure, producing new cultural configurations where enjoyment, creativity, and self-expression become tied to precarity, monetization, and algorithmic control. By foregrounding travel vlogs, cooking channels, and family vlogs as case studies, this article adopts a qualitative methodology grounded in platform capitalism, cultural studies, and emotional labor theory. The study also investigates the stability and permanence of digital content creation and vlogging through the lens of gigification and precarity. These forms of work are inherently task-based and project-oriented, with each video or post functioning as a separate “gig,” rather than a guaranteed or long-term employment. The study also examines the dual nature of the platform economy, its opportunities and exploitations, highlighting the persistence of Marxian labor exploitation in the digital era through processes of invisibilization and emotional labor. Data is analyzed through close reading of videos, engagement metrics,Algorithmic management, and comparison with analog precedents such as, cooking magazines and TV broadcasting, highlighting continuities and differences between analog and digital practices. Thus the study argues that the digital convergence of labor and leisure not only generates new economies of visibility and monetization but also marks a broader cultural shift in which everyday life itself becomes a site of production.
Keywords: labor, leisure, blurring boundaries, platform capitalism, digital and analogue, cultural production
Introduction
In the twenty-first century, the rise of digital technologies and social media platforms has radically reshaped the way people work, communicate, and express themselves. The Internet has witnessed an explosion of networked video sharing in recent years (Malik et al. 194). What was once seen as a clear separation between work and leisure has become increasingly blurred in a world (Sintas et al. 82), where online self-expression and creativity are often linked to income generation and visibility. Traditionally, leisure has been seen as the opposite of work, a realm of personal freedom distinct from economic production (Beatty 239) and it is “free time, freed from the urgencies of the world” (Bourdieu 1). As Kaplan (26) notes, modern leisure is a self-determined use of time that fosters recreation, personal growth, and cultural engagement. Labor, conversely, is both a process of survival and self-realization. For Hegel, work enables humans to understand universal relations and achieve “practical culture” (Fayard 3). Historically, labor has reflected power structures and social hierarchies. The growing prevalence of platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook has turned these seemingly private or pleasurable activities, travel, cooking, gaming, or even household chores, into potential sites of labor and monetization. The figure of the digital content creator or vlogger represents this new configuration of work and selfhood, where everyday life becomes a stage for cultural production, economic activity, and affective exchange. In this context, leisure is no longer a space of rest or disconnection from labor; rather, it is itself commodified, algorithmically managed, and integrated into platform capitalism’s economy of attention and data (Chowdhury 41).This paper situates digital vlogging within the larger framework of platform capitalism, a system in which corporations such as Google, Meta, and ByteDance derive profit by extracting and monetizing users’ data and creative outputs (Srnicek 57). This sector is highly significant because it is currently the “most dynamic sector” of the contemporary economy, is becoming “systematically important” as a pervasive infrastructure, and acts as a “hegemonic model” that legitimizes contemporary capitalism (ibid 5). The necessity for this new model was set by three key historical moments.”There are three moments in the relatively recent history of capitalism that are particularly relevant to the current conjuncture: the response to the 1970s downturn; the boom and bust of the 1990s; and the response to the 2008 crisis.Each of these moments has set the stage for the new digital economy and has determined the ways in which it has developed”(ibid 9).
Recent studies reveal that the blurring of labor and leisure originates from the integration of leisure into works through digital forms of labor. Rainoldi et al. (14–20) identify several ways digital workers integrate leisure into their work through technology. The “digitally cocooned” remain connected and balance both from home, while the “leisurely lifestyle seeker” combines remote work with travel. The “creative devotee” turns personal passions into professional pursuits, blending fulfillment with flexibility, and the “global lifestyle devotee” merges travel and income generation through high mobility. Overall, digital labor enables diverse lifestyles where work and leisure coexist seamlessly. According to Orlikowski and Scott (88), digital advancements over the past two decades have reshaped industries, creating new models of work and transforming traditional occupations. Digital labor departs from the fixed 9-to-5 structure, prioritizing efficiency and flexibility over time and place (Mazmanian et al. 1339; Colbert et al. 733). Platform technologies have further enabled fluid and mobile workspaces, challenging the notion of stable, office-based employment (Wood et al. 57). The widespread use of mobile devices and social media continues to make professional life increasingly portable and interconnected (Kossak and Ernst 259). This paper, however, examines the reverse, how leisure becomes economically productive through vlogging, creativity and content creation
Methodology
This study employs a qualitative research design grounded in digital ethnography and textual analysis to understand how Malayalam YouTubers convert everyday practices into monetizable digital labor. The research follows a purposive sampling strategy, selecting four prominent Malayalam creators, Mallu Family, Sherinz Vlog, Salha Talks, and Aavedhika PKD, based on their visibility, genre diversity, and sustained audience engagement. These channels represent key domains in contemporary Malayalam vlogging: travel, cooking, family and lifestyle content, and affect-driven commentary. Digital ethnography structures the observational component of the study. The researcher immerses in the creators’ online environments by systematically viewing their vlogs, monitoring upload patterns, tracking interactions in comment sections, and reviewing publicly available interviews and platform updates. Field notes are maintained to record recurring practices, visual routines, self-presentation strategies, and audience responses. This approach enables the documentation of how everyday domestic, leisure, and work activities are framed and circulated as digital performances.Textual analysis is used to interpret the content produced by these creators. Selected vlogs from each channel are subjected to close reading to identify narrative structures, visual and affective strategies, and genre conventions. Attention is given to thumbnails, titles, pacing, camera language, and editing patterns, which function as key elements through which creators communicate authenticity, emotional tone, and thematic focus. This method allows for identifying how certain formats and representational choices become central to sustaining audience interest within the algorithmic environment of YouTube.
Audience engagement is assessed using measurable platform indicators such as views, likes, comments, and subscriber counts. These metrics are collected to understand how viewers interact with different types of content and how such interactions contribute to visibility within platform algorithms. Comment-section observations provide additional insight into viewer expectations, affective attachments, and community dynamics.To understand the economic dimension of content creation, the study documents monetization pathways visible within the selected channels. These include the presence of advertisements, brand collaborations, sponsorship disclosures, and integrations of external income sources such as Instagram promotions or affiliate links. These observations are mapped onto broader discussions of the platform economy, datafication, and algorithmic governance to situate creators’ practices within contemporary digital labour structures. Together, these methods enable a grounded understanding of the production, circulation, and reception of Malayalam vlogs, highlighting how creators operate within and adapt to the cultural and economic conditions of platformized media environments.
Everyday Life, Leisure, and the Monetization of the Ordinary
One of the most striking features of platform capitalism is its ability to transform ordinary life and leisure into productive and monetizable activity. Platform capitalism is a digital version of capitalism built upon online platforms to facilitate the commercialization of goods and services for the purpose of profit maximization (Papadimitropoulos 246). As Nick Srnicek argues, the digital economy is built on “those businesses that increasingly rely upon information technology, data, and the internet for their business models” (4). Platforms operate as intermediaries centered on extracting and using data as a raw material, connecting various participants such as consumers, advertisers, content creators, service providers, producers, and even tangible objects within a shared network (Bratton 251). Platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Instagram epitomize this logic by converting user-generated content from everyday routines to emotional experiences into data, visibility, and revenue.What was once a space of personal expression and recreation has become a site of entrepreneurial performance, where the boundaries between work and leisure blur under the influence of consumer culture, globalization, and digital technologies (Russel et al. 14). As Torhonen (2558) observes, digital platforms have transformed activities once pursued for relaxation, self-expression, or connection into structured and monetizable forms of labor. Akmeraner (107) similarly notes that leisure is no longer a realm free from productivity; rather, it has become an extension of the market, where creativity and emotional engagement generate both visibility and income. This dynamic is particularly visible in Malayalam vlogging culture, where families and individuals document daily life, cooking, travel, and relationships, turning them into economically viable forms of cultural production.
A prime example is the popular YouTube channel Mallu Family, which has over 1.3 million subscribers and 647818870 views.The Mallu Family channel began during the COVID-19 lockdown, “vlogging gained prominence during the Covid-19 lockdown as people sought new hobbies and digital engagements” (Jayan 4), founded by Sujin from Palakkad, an auto driver who, along with his family, turned ordinary household activities into engaging online content. Most of their 1.7k videos are everyday narrations with no structured contents. As shown in the vlog “Let’s Take a Look at My Home” (2.08–2.20), their videos often depict routine domestic scenes—casual conversations, watching serials and cooking. In “An Evening Day in My Life”, for instance, the channel features moments such as siblings bonding (2.30–3.00), tea-making (5.00–7.00), family chatter (18.00–20.00), playing with the baby (22.00–24.00), and evening prayers (21.00–22.00). None of these actions are staged performances; rather, they reflect the family’s genuine daily routine. Yet, by transforming these ordinary experiences into watchable digital narratives, the family converted their leisure and domestic life into profitable content. In another vlog, the family openly admits that their videos are “nothing but our chitchats” (“YouTube Features and Us”, 1.50–2.00). Despite the simplicity of their content, they achieved one lakh subscribers within just 37 days and millions of watch hours (“YouTube Features and Us ”, 11.00–12.00). This rapid rise demonstrates how algorithmic visibility and audience engagement through likes, shares, and comments (extracted raw data) recorded, refined, analysed and translated directly into monetization (Srnicek 39-40). Google, Facebook and YouTube are categorized under advertising platforms, revenue generated through extracting data, analysing it,and then selling targeted ad space to advertisers (Srnicek 49). Cooking vlogs are another central feature of their channel. The rise of cooking and food vloggers on platforms like YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram has become a prominent feature of contemporary digital culture (Jayan 6). In the vlog “Mom’s Traditional Chicken Curry” (10:40), Sujin’s mother prepares a traditional recipe she routinely cooks at home and acknowledges that this has been their familiar method of making chicken curry for a long time. Traditionally, cooking was a domestic duty tied to care, tradition, or personal passion (Jayan 7; Sandel 11). What was once a daily domestic responsibility and personal leisure have now become a source of cultural production and income (Tambunan 1). For women, cooking, once a barrier to external economic participation (Chowdhury et al. 41) has become a site of digital entrepreneurship and brand creation. In addition to domestic vlogs, the family also documents their travel experiences. In “Off to Gavi with Two Families” (2.00–3.00), Sujin mentions that before YouTube, such trips were leisure activities done purely for enjoyment. Now, these same journeys generate both pleasure and income, converting recreation into a monetizable experience. The transformation of leisure travel into content exemplifies how digital platforms reconfigure traditional forms of relaxation into economic practices.Sujin often reflects on his journey from poverty to prosperity. In “Let’s Take a Look at My Home” (5.20–6.00), he proudly shares that he now owns two houses with luxury amenities, four cars , including a BMW and multiple land plots, achievements he attributes entirely to YouTube. In “How Did You Actually Get Here” (6.06–7.00) and “Where Do I Actually Get All This Cash” (1.50–3.00), he emphasizes that YouTube is both a divine gift and a transformative force in his life. In an interview, the family revealed to Variety Media that they earn approximately two lakh rupees solely from YouTube, with additional income from Facebook and Instagram through collaborations and promotions (“Stopped YouTube?” 1.28–2.00). Their success embodies the essence of digital labor: they did not create elaborate productions but simply repurposed their everyday existence into content that generates emotional connection and economic return. By consistently sharing everyday routines, they generate steady engagement, which platforms reward with greater algorithmic visibility. This process is rooted in platform capitalism, where creators, audiences, and advertisers are interconnected within a monetized digital ecosystem (Amaldos 527). Platforms extract user data and convert it into targeted advertising value, making user interactions central to revenue generation (Srnicek 36–39). Algorithms structure what users see by analysing behavioural signals such as likes, comments, and watch-time and help algorithms refine predictions and enhance advertising accuracy (Bilic 51–60). In this system, visibility becomes a form of algorithmic capital because platforms prioritize content that attracts consistent engagement (Bucher 1171). Trending and “most viewed” items are elevated through ranking and recommendation systems, shaping how users encounter information and participate online (Gillespie 1).
Salha Talks, run by Salha, a mother of five and LLB student, transforms domestic routines, caregiving, home decor, motivational reflections, and everyday social commentary into creative digital performances. Over time, this practice has evolved into a full-fledged career, with the channel now recording 433,868,510 views, 1.28 million subscribers, and 1.3k uploaded videos. In her vlog “This Video Has No Title” she recalls that she began her channel five years ago as a hobby and a form of entertainment but later learned that it could provide financial stability (8.00–10.00). A major motivation behind vlogging is its potential for income generation (Tambunan 3). In another vlog titled “Should Widowed Women Not Live?” She directly appeals to her audience, urging them to “subscribe, like, share, and comment” to boost her algorithmic visibility (0.50–1.50). It points out the fact that platforms grow more powerful through what are known as network effects, the more people who use a platform, the more useful and attractive it becomes to everyone else (Srnicek 45). Ranking algorithms act as powerful curators, lifting certain videos while pushing others to the margins. Metadata, views, clicks, comments, and upload frequency, acts as reinforcement, creating a competitive cycle where visible content becomes even more visible (Rieder 52). Thus, visibility is not simply about being seen; it is produced through algorithmic arrangements that privilege engagement-driven content (Bucher 1165; Gruszka & Bohm 1853). Later, in an interview with Lifenet TV, Salha disclosed that her income from YouTube can reach up to ₹5 lakhs (11.20–13.00), suggesting that what begins as a leisure and passion pursuit can quickly transform into a structured, income-generating occupation. This transformation resonates with Srnicek’s observation that platform-based work is “a key site where personal and social life are subsumed into circuits of capital” (49).
Attractive thumbnails and compelling titles are central to capturing audience attention (“This Video has no title” 13.30-14.00), encouraging creators to introduce novelty, curiosity, and emotional appeal in each upload. The craft of editing is equally crucial in shaping the viewing experience (“YouTube Updates” 7.00-7.45): videos with clear visuals, balanced audio, and seamless transitions typically gain higher engagement. Creators employ a range of stylistic techniques such as background music, colour grading, jump cuts, slow-motion sequences, on-screen text, and graphic overlays to sustain viewer interest and enhance narrative flow. As Aidarbekov et al. observe, contemporary content creation requires substantial labour in planning, scripting, filming, editing, sound mixing, thumbnail design, caption writing, and optimizing titles and tags for algorithmic visibility (47–48; 53). Consequently, functioning as a professional lifestyle content creator demands a sophisticated set of strategies and aesthetic skills that enable creators to recognize what appears “good,” platform-friendly, and shareable for followers (Roivainen 573).
For Sherinz Vlog, owned by Shein Paul from Kochi, has 200303098 views and 1.02M subscribers, travel becomes a form of work governed by the same logic of visibility and monetization. Sherin, a national and international traveller who has visited almost all Indian states and several countries including Pakistan, Antarctica, Thailand, and Egypt, describes in an interview to iSH Media Malayalam that travelling was his passion and entertainment long before he began vlogging (1.40–1.55) and now working as full time vlogger as a profession (3.40-3.50). Historically, travel was primarily a personal or family leisure activity, a temporary escape from work (Van Wee 1). Today, the same activity can generate double the value; personal pleasure and financial return. The slogan “Do what you love” captures this cultural moment (Amabile 39). By creatively capturing, editing, and enhancing their experiences often with humour they convert journeys into engaging digital commodities (Xu et al. 41-42). In the second part of his interview with iSH Media Malayalam, Sherin noted that YouTube has become a substantial source of income, at times generating up to ₹4 lakhs (6:00–6:15). He also added that sponsorships provide additional earnings through Instagram and Facebook. Monetization through sponsorships and collaborations has become a key income source for creators. Brands pay influencers to feature or promote products within videos or posts, often blending them seamlessly into content. These partnerships not only generate revenue but also expand audiences and enhance credibility. The platform economy, therefore, offers diverse opportunities for income, self-expression, and recognition.
Cultural Production through Vlogging
These daily vlogs and creative acts not only generate income but also function as sites of cultural production and exchange. As Raymond Williams observes, everyday life itself is a form of cultural production, evident in Malayalam YouTubers who turn ordinary routines like cooking and travel into meaningful digital narratives. In the case of travel and cooking vloggers, their videos familiarize audiences with diverse countries, cultures, lifestyles, traditions, values, and religious practices. food connects to culture habits, and emotion (Jayan et al. 1). Viewers such as Najsha and Devus560 even describe the Mallu Family in their vlog ““Let’s Take a Look at My Home” as their inspiration to start their own YouTube channels, illustrating how online visibility fosters a cycle of cultural production and reproduction. Vloggers actively engage with unfamiliar places, not just observing them (Tambunan 4), but introducing audiences to diverse cultures, cuisines, and everyday practices, while generating knowledge and cultural exposure (Simelane 65). As a traveller ,I travel for the purpose of learning about different cultures and expanding my horizon (Hobby and corpus 1). In Sherinz Vlogs “EP.1: Mentawai Tribe, Indonesia”, a viewer named JacobM commented that through Sherin’s videos he learned about tribes he had never heard of before and realized “we have a lot to study and adopt from them”. This response illustrates how digital travel vlogs promote cross-cultural understanding and enable a form of digital cultural exchange. Likewise, national travel vlogger P.T. Muhammed uses his channel to introduce audiences to India’s diverse cultures and cuisines. In one of his Shorts titled “Breakfast in Kashmir”, a viewer named JoshJjhk remarked, “We should follow this type of food for maintaining a healthy body, and I will definitely try.” Through such mediated encounters, viewers often begin to imitate or internalize elements of other cultures, leading to subtle reflections of the “other” within their own everyday lives. Similarly, vloggers across genres, whether focusing on beauty, parenting, or motivation possess the capacity to influence, inspire, and shape the perceptions and practices of their audiences, even through seemingly mundane routines. Social media influencers become a new type of online opinion leaders with a great power to influence followers (Freberg et al. 91). When watching travel vloggers, viewers often experience wishful identification, a desire to be like the person they admire (Hoffner & Buchanan 327). According to social learning theory (Bandura, 197), one can learn new behaviours from observing people. Such interactions demonstrate how travel and food vlogs operate not merely as entertainment but as dynamic spaces of cultural transmission, where everyday practices like travel and cooking circulate, adapt, and become commodified through digital platforms. For young tourists, their main motivation was to explore other cultures and also by experiencing excitement (Richard and Wilson 2-4) .People have an innate desire to observe, compare, and learn from the lives of others. This explains why celebrities, actors, and influencers receive millions of views, the audience wants to know what they eat, wear, buy, and believe. The idea of scopophiliac consumerism captures how viewers find pleasure in observing others’ lives (Chowdhury et al. 42). Vlogging satisfies this curiosity, allowing people to live vicariously through others. Viewers in India, for instance, increasingly adopt Western lifestyles, cuisines, and fashions after watching vloggers from the United States, the United Kingdom, or the Arab world. This cross-cultural exchange results in a continuous cycle of giving and buying cultures. Local traditions absorb global influences, and global trends are localized through individual creativity. Thus, vlogging becomes not just an act of self-expression but also a form of cultural production and consumption.
Emotional Labor in Platform Economy
Thousands of viewers engage with these vlogs not merely as entertainment but through emotional participation. Emerging Malayalam vlogger Aavedhika PKD, who began her channel as a source of mental relief while caring for her special-needs child (“First YouTube Revenue” 2.48–4.00). The comments such as “I had a lot of tensions but forgot them while watching your video” (FahadFahad136) and “Your videos entertain me a lot” (Preetha) under Mallu Family’s vlog “Mom’s Traditional Chicken Curry”, illustrating how their content provides comfort and emotional connection. On platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook, emotions such as happiness, vulnerability, and affection are strategically performed as marketable resources to sustain attention. As Kruml and Geddes (8–9) explain, this aligns with Arlie Hochschild’s concept of emotional labour, where feelings are managed to elicit desired audience responses.Algorithms, described by Edmond as “step-by-step processes that transform input data into outputs” (1), convert creators’ emotional performances, uploads, and metadata into measurable engagement. Platforms privilege such affective content because it generates higher engagement (Jerab 24), and emotionally charged posts gain greater reach (Abbas et al. e1306). It is evident in the case of the Mallu Family, videos such as “Sujin and Ponnus’ Love Story” (1.5 million views, 52000 likes, 3100 comments), “Ponnus’ Delivery Vlog” (1.2 million views, 60000 likes, 5 500 comments), and “Kunjus’ Marriage Vlog” (1.4 million views, 61 000 likes, 3 300 comments) exemplify how emotional narratives thrive under algorithmic amplification. As Yu Yifan et al. (2) note, algorithms amplify these engagement patterns, ensuring that sensational or emotive content dominates feeds. Algorithms thus shape what information we see by ranking what’s “trending” or “most discussed,” guiding how we access knowledge and engage in social and political life (Gillespie 1). As a result, trending formats and emotionally engaging everyday narratives foster both algorithmic promotion and audience reach. Increased visibility directly converts into income through higher ad revenue, sponsorship opportunities, and data-driven advertising systems. Platforms are structurally designed to maximize such visibility because it drives both user attention and commercial profit (Srnicek 44). Consequently, emotions alongside creativity and time are commodified as digital labor within the attention economy, where leisure and self-expression become continuous, algorithm-managed work.
The transformation of everyday life into digital content extends beyond cooking, encompassing parenting, child-rearing, motivational speaking, sexual education, beauty practices, and personal experiences such as pregnancy, childbirth, and illness (Bloomberg 2018). Parents document children’s diets, education, and emotional development, while women worldwide share household routines, normalizing domestic life as public content (Schroeder 149). Content on fitness and beauty attracts substantial audiences, converting domestic and personal practices into income-generating digital labor (Chowdhury et al. 41–42). Across diverse participants including students, professionals, homemakers, disabled persons, and the elderly daily routines, emotions, and personal narratives become commodities of visibility and affect, generating substantial income through advertising and influencer marketing, a billion-dollar industry (Campbell & Rapp Farrell 472). This illustrates how platform capitalism increasingly blurs the boundaries between leisure and labor, private and public, in pursuit of attention, recognition, and profit. Vlogging and self expression through creativity has empowered individuals especially housewives and the unemployed to become self-reliant entrepreneurs (Mishra et al. 69–70; Patel and Sharma 33). For migrant workers and professionals, it provides supplementary income and creative fulfillment. Moreover, for people with disabilities, the elderly, and patients, engaging with online audiences can reduce loneliness and emotional distress (Syed-Abdul et al. 2; Sangeorzan et al. 432), serving both therapeutic and motivational purposes. Even children generate significant income through engaging content (Jayan et al. 2), while shared interests among users foster online communities that evoke belongingness and oneness (Jayan 3). Ultimately, digital platforms reveal hidden creativity, expand visibility, and democratize opportunities for participation in the global digital economy. In all these cases, the monetization of everyday life reflects the broader logic of data extraction and affective labor that underpins platform capitalism. Domestic and recreational spaces are redefined as production sites and economic value. Ultimately, Malayalam vlogging culture exemplifies how the platform economy extends capitalist rationalities into the most personal aspects of life. The family kitchen, the living room, or the vacation trip becomes a stage for production, governed by algorithmic visibility and emotional exchange. What begins as a pursuit of passion and leisure as seen in Mallu Family’s domestic vlogs, Salha’s lifestyle vlogging, Sherinz’s travel narratives, and Aavedhika PKD’s maternal reflections becomes a data-driven occupation where the self is continually performed, recorded, and monetized. This fusion of intimacy, technology, and capital not only blurs the distinction between labour and leisure but also redefines creativity as a form of survival in the precarious landscape of digital capitalism.
The Democratization of Creativity
In the analog era, recipes, travelogues, and other creative or informative content were available primarily through printed magazines or television broadcasts, making them accessible only at specific times and often restricted by institutional control. In contrast, digital vlogging and creative platforms enable users to access such content anytime and anywhere, fostering a participatory and on-demand culture. In the past, producing content for public consumption required the approval of institutional authorities such as publishers, editors, or broadcasters. A travel writer, for instance, had to submit their work to a magazine or newspaper and wait for editorial acceptance before it could reach readers. Similarly, anyone wishing to broadcast audio or video performances needed endorsement from production companies or media organizations. Rejection was common and often disregarded the creator’s effort or creativity. However, with the emergence of social media and digital platforms, this hierarchical gatekeeping system has largely been dismantled. Any individual is now a potential “content creator” (Jayan et al. 2). Equipped with a smartphone and internet access, users can share their ideas, talents, and experiences with a global audience. Every user can become an actor, singer, model, influencer, traveller, or cook, without institutional permission. The ethos of the digital age can thus be summarized as create, post, and be visible. YouTube’s slogan, “Broadcast Yourself,” exemplifies this transformation, marking vlogging as a user-generated form of online video production (Tambunan 3).
Limitations of Platform Economy
As Kauffmann et al. (13) note, the competition for visibility and monetization often drives creators to sensationalize or manipulate content. In the field of influencer marketing, digital ethics are not yet regulated, leaving digital workers to construct their own ethical and moral constructs (Heeris Christensen 125). Some vloggers fabricate family dramas, exaggerate personal issues, or promote unverified products for profit, revealing the moral ambiguities and unethical practices of platform capitalism.A striking example is the Mallu Family channel. Between October and December 2023, Sujin and Ponnus uploaded around 59 videos such as “So Now It’s Just Us”, “This is Where Everything Began”, “And After Everything, A New Beginning Starts” etc.., centered on their marital conflicts, which collectively gained millions of views and substantial revenue. However, many viewers and fellow vloggers, such as Akru Reaction, accused them through his video “Mallu Family Ponnus Issue”, of staging these dramas for attention, with comments like “a family living by selling their wife” under the vlog “Dad and Kids” expressing public skepticism. In an interview with Variety Media, the couple denied deliberately publicizing their disputes, yet the controversy highlights a critical issue in digital culture: the erosion of privacy. As Smith (3) notes, every aspect of personal and social life, including emotions, relationships, and family situations, is made public for content creation.They also rise significant legal questions regarding the welfare and privacy rights of children featured in this videos (Laude 1).Furthermore, the overwhelming flood of online content affects attention, productivity, and social behavior (Kauffmann et al. 17). People from all walks of life, students, teachers, doctors, drivers are increasingly drawn into the attention traps of social media. Platform algorithms are designed to keep users endlessly scrolling, which drains time and mental energy. The excessive use of social media is believed to negatively affect general wellbeing and quality of life, especially in young users (Alzougool & Wishah 204). Exposure to inappropriate or misleading content, especially among children, poses serious threats to their moral and psychological development. According to Swar and Hameed (142), young students engaged in social media networking while studying tend to achieve lower grades than those who do not engage with social media. Primack et al. (4) explained that social media users who spend excessive time online are prone to develop signs of anxiety, depression, and addiction to social media.
Precarity and Gigification
One of the defining challenges of platformization and entrepreneurialization (Poell et al. 2022) is the expansion of the gig economy, a system built on short, task-based labor intermediated through platforms that profit from and control transactions via algorithmic management and surveillance (Karlsson 82). Within YouTube and similar platforms, vloggers exemplify this new gigified workforce: self-employed, task based, flexible, yet economically unstable. Their income depends entirely on views, likes, shares, sponsorships, and algorithmic visibility (Kaine et al. 487), all of which can fluctuate unpredictably. As McKenzie (242) and Wood et al. (57) observe, such creators work without job security, institutional protection, or fixed wages, making them emblematic of a digital labor economy driven by data extraction and attention. This condition reflects what Keller (5) terms precarity a state of uncertainty where creators’ livelihoods hinge on volatile audience engagement and advertiser interest (Arthurs et al. 5). A sudden policy change, demonetization, or algorithmic update can erase visibility overnight, illustrating how platform capitalism transforms leisure into unstable work. The process of gigification (Keller 3) further exacerbates this, as vloggers function as independent contractors who bear all production costs equipment, editing, travel, and time without benefits or security. The Mallu Family channel exemplifies this precarious condition. In their vlog “This Truly We Reached Here” (4.50–7.00), they reveal that declining engagement over six to eight months reduced their YouTube income to about ₹20,000, warning viewers that “YouTube is ephemeral, so find another job simultaneously.” Sherin Paul echoes this uncertainty in Part 2 of his interview (5.20–5.30), noting that YouTube revenue fluctuates entirely based on reach and “cannot be relied on,” adding that earnings should be approached with an attitude of “If it comes, it comes; if it goes, it goes.” This admission underscores Srnicek’s (45) analysis of platform capitalism as a flexible yet insecure labor regime.
Hidden Works in Digital Economy
In the platform economy, much of the labour remains hidden behind the screen. While viewers see only the final video or post, creators invest significant time and effort in planning, scripting, filming, editing, sound mixing, designing thumbnails, writing captions (Aidarbekov, A., et al. 47-48)optimizing titles and tags for algorithms(ibid 53), engaging with followers through comments, managing sponsorships and collaborations, and maintaining multiple social media accounts. They must also analyze analytics, track audience behaviour, and constantly adapt to changing platform algorithms. These invisible tasks demand technical skills, emotional labour, and continuous online presence, turning what appears to be effortless creativity into a full-time, multi-layered form of digital labour. Therefore, to work as a professional lifestyle-content creator on these platforms requires strategies and skills that enable creators to know what looks ‘good’ and is worth sharing for followers(Roivainen, 573).
The hidden labour of vloggers extends beyond filming and editing to include careful attention to narrative structure. As Vlahović (26-28) notes, successful vloggers intentionally craft stories that are coherent, engaging, and emotionally resonant. They employ visual elements, symbols, and signs to convey deeper meanings that go beyond verbal expression (Stoker & Walker, 2021). Narrative structure plays a crucial role in digital storytelling, particularly in vlogs, as it organizes content and guides the viewer through a logical and affective sequence.
Labour Invisibilization in the Platform Economy
The rise of the platform economy has drawn thousands into digital labour, promising empowerment through self-expression and entrepreneurship in vlogging and content creation. Yet this apparent autonomy conceals deeper forms of exploitation. As Cini (886) notes, the “capital-labour antagonism at the point of production” now manifests through the invisibilization of labour, where unpaid labour-time is captured and monetized. This reflects Marx’s argument that capitalism relies on extracting surplus labour—the time workers spend producing beyond their own needs—to generate surplus value and profit. As Ferguson (97) contends, capitalism is not merely an economic system of “free” labour but a political system of unfreedom. Burawoy (308) adds that within this structure, exploitation itself becomes a privilege, revealing the paradox of digital labour under platform capitalism.
Thus invisibilization of labour in the platform economy extends Marx’s theory of surplus value to the digital age. As Cini (892–893) argues, surplus extraction no longer depends on measurable working hours but on a third form of surplus-value—derived from users’ and creators’ unpaid activities such as waiting for orders, travelling, building reputation, creating content, generating data, and audience engagement (ibid 898). These hidden labours generate immense profit for intermediaries like Google, Facebook, and YouTube, yet offer little or no direct pay. Cini (890) notes that workers often misrecognize these unpaid efforts as mere preparation for visibility or future opportunities. Pulignano and Morgan (7) term this the “grey zone,” where unpaid labour becomes necessary to access paid work. Through algorithmic management (Spencer 225), platforms erode worker control, track performance, and expand surplus production. As a result, a large portion of workers’ time goes unpaid—what Cini (886) defines as labour invisibilization, where workers unknowingly contribute to surplus value without perceiving their engagement as exploited labour.
Tiziana Terranova similarly shows that the internet’s value stems from the unpaid cultural work of users, such as blogging, posting videos, and sharing content (34–35). Platforms monetize this “free labour” through advertising and data analytics (37–49), making ordinary users an invisible workforce whose creativity and emotions generate profit. Building on this, Brooke Erin Duffy introduces “aspirational labour,” a gendered form of unpaid creative work driven by hope, ambition, and self-promotion (220–222). Her study of female influencers and creators (216–17) shows how platforms exploit optimism and passion—encouraging people to “do what they love” while only a few achieve real success (228).Thus, platform capitalism transforms voluntary participation and self-expression into a new mode of surplus extraction, where exploitation is masked by the rhetoric of freedom, creativity, and entrepreneurship.
Conclusion
In the contemporary era, shaped by the rapid rise of mobile and information technologies, the boundaries between labor and leisure have become increasingly blurred. Work, once regarded as a serious and structured activity, and leisure, traditionally seen as an escape from work’s pressures, now coexist within the same digital spaces. The platform economy has enabled individuals to “do what they love” with a sense of autonomy and flexibility—turning leisure into both a creative outlet and a source of income. Vloggers who create cooking, travel, and family content exemplify this convergence, where personal expression and entertainment evolve into forms of cultural production.
Beyond financial gain, vlogging contributes to new modes of cultural creation and social interaction. However, alongside these opportunities, certain unethical practices and exploitative dynamics persist. This paper argues that Marxian notions of labor exploitation continue to operate within the digital economy through the invisibilization of labor. The study also highlights the distinctions between analog and digital cultures, illustrating how traditional hierarchies of broadcasting and publishing are being challenged by participatory media platforms. Yet, while social media democratizes access and visibility, it simultaneously reinforces algorithmic hierarchies in which emotional and trending content gains disproportionate reach.
Although vlogging may appear effortless from an outsider’s perspective, it involves a range of hidden tasks necessary to sustain visibility, such as continuous content creation, editing, narrative crafting, audience engagement, and strategic adaptation to platform algorithms. These ongoing demands reveal that digital leisure, far from being purely recreational, has become an intricate form of labor embedded within the logics of platform capitalism.
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